Iberia: An International Journal of Theoretical Linguistics - 2012 - Vol. 4 - Nº 2
URI permanente para esta colecciónhttps://hdl.handle.net/11441/72132
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Artículo Wh-clitic-doubling and wh-Cliticisation(Universidad de Sevilla, 2012) El Hankari, AbdelhakThis article explores a pervasive phenomenon in Berber whereby the extraction of dative arguments (of verbs, nouns and prepositions) gives rise to two occurrences of wh. One is a wh-word located in Spec,C and the other a wh-clitic in the dative form located in C (wh-clitic-doubling). Close examination reveals that the wh-word in Spec,C functions as an operator base-generated in its scope position and the dative wh-clitic in C provides it with a derivational link to the variable in the dative position it binds (whCliticisation). Wh-clitic-doubling and wh-Cliticisation amount to direct evidence for Cliticisation as a derivational interpretive mechanism of Grammar that obviates the need for indexing (Lebeaux 1983, Chomsky 1986, 1995). They also provide evidence for the conclusion in Kayne (1989) that Cliticisation is an instance of Head-Movement, more precisely, feature-based Head-Movement.Artículo Language Processing Evidence for Linguistic Structure(Universidad de Sevilla, 2012) Felser, ClaudiaThis article illustrates how data from language processing experiments might bear on theoretical linguistic issues and controversies. Based on the results from real-time processing studies of subject raising vs. subject control structures and successive-cyclic wh-movement in English, and of long-distance scrambling in Japanese, this article examines how language processing data can help shed light on the nature of the linguistic representations of different types of non-canonically ordered sentences.Artículo Spanish subjects can be subjects: Acquisitional and empirical evidence(Universidad de Sevilla, 2012) Villa-García, JulioThe paper provides novel converging acquisitional and empirical evidence from Spanish in support of the hypothesis that preverbal subjects in Spanish can, but need not, be left-dislocated constituents in the CP layer; they can occupy the canonical subject position, Spec,TP, contrary to what is often assumed in the literature. On the basis of acquisitional and statistical evidence gathered from a longitudinal study of five children, the paper argues against Grinstead’s (1998 et seq.) claim that overt subjects emerge in development concurrently with less controversially CP-related phenomena such as wh-questions and dislocations. Moreover, based on the different distributional behavior of genuine subjects and dislocations/foci in the context of desiderative/exhortative sentences introduced by que ‘that,’ the paper argues that Spec,TP/AgrSP is indeed available in Spanish and can only host bona fide subjects to the exclusion of non-subject XPs.Artículo Deriving the Cartography of the Japanese Right Periphery: The Case of Sentence-Final Discourse Particles(Universidad de Sevilla, 2012) Saito, Mamoru; Haraguchi, TomokoThe cartographic structure of the Japanese right periphery has been investigated extensively over recent years. (See, for example, Inoue 2007, Ueda 2007, Saito 2009, Endo 2010, and the references cited there.) This paper examines the distributions of the sentence-final discourse particles and presents an account in terms of their lexical properties. We argue, following Endo (2010), that the particles, wa, yo, ne and na, indeed instantiate a cartographic structure in the right periphery. Then, we examine the lexical properties of each of those particles, and show that they explain the observed hierarchy. More specifically, we argue that the selectional requirement of wa and the specific speech acts the four particles are associated with yield the hierarchy wa < yo < ne/na. This conclusion implies that the cartographic structure of the Japanese sentence-final discourse particles can be considered a consequence of the Merge operation that reflects the lexical properties of those particles.Artículo Universal Numeric Quantifiers in Japanese(Universidad de Sevilla, 2012) Ochi, MasaoThis paper examines a subtype of floating quantifiers, in which a universal quantifier along with a numeral appear at a distance from their nominal associate. According to Cirillo (2010), this floating universal numeric quantifier (UNQ) construction is found in some (but not all) Romance and Germanic languages. While Cirillo provides strong evidence for a stranding analysis (cf. Sportiche, 1988; Bošković, 2004) of the floating UNQ rather than an adverbial approach (cf. Bobaljik, 2004; Nakanishi, 2006), his most crucial data could be accommodated under a particular version of the adverbial view, advocated by Doetjes (1997) and Fitzpatrick (2006), which postulates pro inside a base-generated adjunct nominal. Building on Kawashima’s (1994; 1998) observations about Japanese, this paper argues that (i) Japanese also has the adnominal/floating UNQ and (ii) the stranding approach is superior to the pro-based adverbial analysis noted above in handling the floating UNQ. To show this, I will examine in some depth the syntax of adnominal quantification in Japanese (and Chinese) with a special focus on the ways in which numeral classifiers interact with other adnominal elements. Several theoretical consequences of the analysis will be explored, including the nature of quantifier stranding and syntactic locality.Artículo Phase Edges, Quantifier Float and the Nature of (Micro-) Variation(Universidad de Sevilla, 2012) Henry, AlisonThis paper considers quantifier float off wh-elements in varieties of West Ulster English. It establishes that there are several sub-dialects of West Ulster English and not just the single variety described by McCloskey (2000); these varieties differ in the positions in which floated quantifiers associated with wh-elements can appear. The full range of possible positions includes not only the highest CP, the first-merge position of the wh-element and the edge of intermediate CPs, as observed by McCloskey, but also the edge of intermediate vPs, providing evidence that wh-movement transits the edge of vP phases. Dialects vary in the range of positions in which a floated quantifier is possible, and in some a floated quantifier cannot occur in the first-merge position of the wh-elements, but only in intermediate positions. Comparing quantifier float off wh-elements with quantifier float off DPs, which is possible in a wider range of language varieties including standard English, the paper offers a possible solution to the puzzle of why quantifier float off DPs is not generally possible in the first-merge position of the DPs in passives and unaccusatives: UG prescribes the positions where elements appear or transit and thus where copies occur, but individual grammars select a subset of those positions as possible for pronunciation of a floated quantifier.