Iberia: An International Journal of Theoretical Linguistics - 2010 - Vol. 2 - Nº 2
URI permanente para esta colecciónhttps://hdl.handle.net/11441/72120
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Artículo On Complex Predicates in Brazilian Portuguese(Universidad de Sevilla, 2010) Cyrino, SoniaI analyze Romance syntactic complex predicates (faire-infinitive causatives, periphrastic tenses and restructuring), and propose the unification of these phenomena usually thought to stem from different structures by showing that one single analysis is possible: the non-finite verb phrase moves to the specifier of the upper V. This movement enables the verbs to be close enough to each other, and it allows for a configuration where clitics can climb and long object movement can occur. Crucial for this movement is either the presence of a defective C-T or its total absence. I account for the lack of Romance syntactic complex predicates in Brazilian Portuguese as well as for other phenomena in the language.Artículo Voice Mismatches in English and Spanish Sluicing(Universidad de Sevilla, 2010) Martín González, JavierVoice mismatches are claimed to be disallowed in sluicing due to a morpho-syntactic requirement dictating that voice specifications must be isomorphic between the antecedent and the elliptical clause (Merchant 2007). However, following Vicente’s (2008) and Rodrigues et al.’s (2009) analysis of apparent P-stranding in Spanish sluicing, one must conclude that voice mismatches are a natural consequence of the need for copular constructions as sources for sluiced clauses in this language. The picture that emerges is one in which we need a mixed system of copular and non-copular sources in Spanish sluicing resolution. The present paper also shows that only passiveactive mismatches are possible and offers an explanation based on trivial structural requirements of subject DPs in copular clauses. Interesting new data is analyzed with respect to English that suggest that we may also need the postulation of such a mixed system in this language, contrary to what is generally assumed. Furthermore, it is shown that voice mismatch data in English sluicing can be accounted for along the same lines as those used for Spanish. The cross-linguistic facts discussed throughout the paper also help to provide evidence for the proposal that, aside from semantic and pragmatic requirements, there are morpho-syntactic conditions to be considered in sluicing and also that sluicing involves the construction of full structures in the elided clauses that are later deleted at PF.Artículo (Im)possible deletions in the Spanish DP(Universidad de Sevilla, 2010) Saab, Andrés LeandroThis paper centers on the problem of identity in Spanish nominal ellipsis. It is argued that a purely formal identity condition on nominal ellipsis, as proposed in Depiante & Masullo (2001), is not a sufficient condition and a structural condition is added to the theory. Concretely, it is argued that nominal ellipsis only affects the nP layer (see also Ticio 2003 and Saab 2004a-b) excluding NumP as a possible target for non-pronunciation. This hypothesis not only accounts for the well-known fact that number, but not gender, can obviate the identity condition on ellipsis, but can also explains why some nouns in the left periphery of the DP cannot be elided even when an identical antecedent is available in the linguistic context. It is also shown that data from ellipsis reveal a non-uniform behavior of some morphosyntactic properties of Spanish nouns, in particular, with respect to gender resolution. It is proposed then that gender is a property on n that is resolved post-syntactically through certain information available on n itself or on Roots (such as the presence of a sex feature). This goes against a long lexicalist tradition in Spanish grammar including Depiante & Masullo (2001) and is in consonance with recent findings in Nunes & Zocca (2009) and Bobaljik & Zocca (2010). Finally, ellipsis data provide an interesting argument in favor of a late insertion approach for Roots and lead me to formulate an identity condition that dissociates functional morphemes and Roots.Artículo The head of the Verb+Noun compounds in the Romance languages(Universidad de Sevilla, 2010) Schroten, JanVerb+Noun compounds in Spanish and the other Romance languages have well-known curious properties: (i) lack of nominalizing affix on the Verb; (ii) obligatory presence of the Noun, interpreted as the direct object of the Verb; (iii) interpretation as referring to persons or instruments able to perform the action expressed by the transitive verb. Compounds are uncommon in the Romance languages, whereas they are common and very productive in the Germanic languages. Verb+Noun compounds, however, are hardly found in the Germanic languages. The "Minimalist" model adopted in the analysis will provide the basic explanation: Verb+Noun compounds reflect the most "basic" syntactic structure, which can be used by default as a lexical process in the Romance languages, where "real compounding", namely, the incorporation of the noun into the verb, does not occur. The basic syntactic-lexical process is completed by another default process: the Verb+Noun is a lexical predicate in need of a subject, which is, again, provided "by default": [+HUMAN] or, by extension, [+INSTRUMENT] interpretation.